Saturday, November 30, 2019

The use of time as a manipulative variable in Federico Garcia Lorcas The House of Bernarda Alba and August Strindbergs Essay Example For Students

The use of time as a manipulative variable in Federico Garcia Lorcas The House of Bernarda Alba and August Strindbergs Essay The use of time as a manipulative variable in Federico Garcia Lorcas The House of Bernarda Alba and August Strindbergs Miss Julie plays a significant role in the shaping of both plays. In The House of Bernarda Alba, Adela is in a constant struggle to obtain freedom from the oppressive rule of her mother. As the wedding of her sister, Angustias approaches, an unruly and suspicious tone of voice from Adela is observed as well as a mysterious attitude. Lorca divides The House of Bernarda Alba into scenes of day and night effectively to reveal the friction between family members as well as the affair between Adela and Pepe el Romano. Miss Julie , the protagonist is forced to act decisively before the rise of the sun à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" for that is when the Count was to return. The time constraint present in Miss Julie is based on the length of a day- twenty four hours, as opposed to The House of Bernarda Alba where the duration of this constraint is extended upon a greater amount of time. We will write a custom essay on The use of time as a manipulative variable in Federico Garcia Lorcas The House of Bernarda Alba and August Strindbergs specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Miss Julies attitude changes from prevailing and superior to subordinate and weak à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" in relation to Jean, her servant. The climax is portrayed when Miss Julie changes her tone of voice towards Jean and scolds him like a dog. The struggles of the protagonists in these plays are driven by outside forces such as the oppression by authoritative rule. In The House of Bernarda Alba and Miss Julie the use of time is used to enhance the dramatic effect of the play by shifting the sentiment of Miss Julie and Adela tranquil and good-hearted to cruel and bitter. As Miss Julie commences, the diction and the dialogue is calm and tranquil as the play is set on Midsummers eve à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" a day of rejoice and entertainment. Miss Julies parents are absent this enchanting night and are to return at the rise of sun à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" which ultimately acts as a time constraint for Miss Julie is to part from the oppressive and tyrannical rule of her parents. At the start of Act I, the dialogue between Miss Julie and Jean à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" her valet à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" is without any boundaries or limitations as she suggests not to take it as a commandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦and all rank should be forgotten pg. . Since the night has just begun, Miss Julie is not pressed and agitated. Strindberg sets the opening act of the play on Mid Summers Eve, a night of celebration, hence the sweet-tongued conversations between Jean and Miss Julie. Time serves as a factor in Act I as it is set in a time of celebration, good-will, and joy. Due to this environment of benevolence, the characters moods and feelings are jovial and inviting. Have you ever been in love? Miss Julies romantic dialogue with Jean while Christine exemplifies this cheerful time period. The ongoing flirtation between Miss Julie and Jean can be seen in the dialogue as Miss Julie begs Jean to dance against his will, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦come and dance a schottische with me now, Jean pg. 4. Miss Julies kindness to Jean at this point in time illustrates how without a time constraint the tone of dialogue is romantic and soothing. As the play progresses, a change of heart is noticed as Miss Julie and Jean begin to share accounts with one another. O God in heavenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦take me out of the filthà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦save me, save me! p. 8 Here Miss Julies last nerve has been tampered with and her dominant and prevailing attitude has shattered with that of depression. It is Miss Julies change in attitude which results in her subordinate state of mind. This state of mind allows Jean to manipulate Miss Julie to following him to Lake Como à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" this reinforces the enhanced effects of time on the plot. .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .postImageUrl , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:hover , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:visited , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:active { border:0!important; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:active , .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8 .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u397987b65a5e10ec260d0339c01347a8:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: MACBETH Analysis EssayNow I am tired of playingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the Count wants his boots to be ready for him, and it is after midnight already, here the characters are confined by time which is done to rush the course of action pg. 1. This confinement of time refers to the time to act until the Count arrives à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the following morning. The Count will be here any moment and before he comes our fate must be settled pg. 16. Here, Miss Julie and Jean are being rushed into deciding their paths. This rushing of Miss Julie and Jean enhances the plot of the play as it intensifies the dialogue between them with the use of bitter tone of voice. The plan of Jean and Miss Julie to flee the manor before the arrival of the Count serves as the climax of the play. Strindbergs confinement of time of these characters allows the plot to be filled with intense dialogue and enhances the dramatic effect of this play. In Lorcas play The House of Bernarda Alba, the marriage of Anguistias to Pepe el Romano plays a significant role in the behavioral change seen in Adela. Prior to being told of Anguistias engagement with Pepe el Romano, Adelas tone and mood is tranquil and welcoming. I will not get used to it, proclaimed Adela as the news pierced through her soul, triggering a feel of bitterness and mischief pg. 220. I dont want my body to dry up like yours! I dont want to waste away and grow old in these rooms, proclaims Adela as she realizes her time to find a suitor is slowly fading away as her aged sisters once did. This behavioral change is vital in The House of Bernarda Alba for the change of Adela from a gentle and conserved character to an enraged and bitter one is correlated to the amount of time until Anguistias wedding. Due to this time constraint, Adelas dialogues become powerful, emotional, and insulting as Anguistias marriage approaches. Dont be childish leave your sister alone and if you want Pepe el Romano, control yourself! pg. 235. This proclamation from Poncia stresses the importance of time as revealing Adelas affair at the wrong time would virtually compromise the wedding altogether. Adela, the bold, daring, and mischievous youngest daughter cannot tolerate Bernardas strict rule over the household à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" especially when the time until Augustias wedding with Pepe el Romano is running out. Id fight my mother to put out this fire that rises from my legs and mouth pg. 142. Tension is created as Adela becomes fierce and agitated with the oppressive rule she lives under as well as the wedding of Angustias. If one of us has to drown, let her drown! p. 283 Adelas greed and desperation has caught up to her, as time is winding down to Angustias wedding. This plays as a rising action in the play as Adela and Martirio confront one another late night. Dont think these walls can hide your shame! 168. At this point, Adelas time has run out of time, while the plot of the story is enrichened with heated scenes which contribute to the enhancement of the play. The will of Adela to publicly announce her affair with Pepe el Romano prompted her to confront her mother, Bernarda once and for all. The Shouting in this prison is over! p. 285 Adela finally confronts Bernarda and frees herself of her rule. Adelas public announcement of her affair, as well as her death, were influenced by Strindbergs use of time as a manipulative variable, which served as an aid to deepen the dramatic effects in the play. Upon juxtaposing The House of Bernarda Alba and Miss Julie, the common use of time by both authors to enhance the dramatic effects of the play is apparent. Similarly, the confinement of time in The House of Bernarda Alba and Miss Julie intensifies the dialogue between characters. .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .postImageUrl , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:hover , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:visited , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:active { border:0!important; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:active , .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0 .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u6bf6ded1219c765fbd875d31f9604fc0:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Lesson Plan EssayThe time constraints allow an aura of resistance from oppressive forces in both cases, the parents to be created à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" which ultimately results in the death of Miss Julie and Adela. When used as a literary technique, time has proven to be effective in dramatizing the plot of a play. With the confinement of time came a lack of self-control, which caused characters to react rebellious, and ultimately resulted in death. The audience learns to appreciate the use of time when carefully analyzed through character behavioral transformation.

Tuesday, November 26, 2019

the spetacled bear essays

the spetacled bear essays The Spectacled Bear, or Tremarctos Ornatus, is an endangered species. This rare bear can only be found in a few elusive spots in the world. Many endangered species all over the world dont deserve the respect and care that they need. That is why many endangered species often become extinct or remain on the endangered species list for the remainder of their survival on Earth. Today, as more species become endangered, more people become involved in their care. Many things are being done to save endangered species, including safe, poacher-free environments in captivity, and wildlife preservations, to name a few. Only a handful of zoos and sanctuaries around the globe are lucky enough to be able to try to breed and care for rare endangered species. The Phoenix Zoo is an example of this. Right now, they have captive many endangered species, including the almost extinct Mexican Wolf and Spectacled Bear. In their newest exhibit, called The Forest of Uco, the Phoenix Zoo has Spectacled bears and other animals from South America, the Spectacled Bears homeland. The Forest is a great place for the Spectacled Bears to exist, and a great place for everyone to observe their beauty. The Spectacled Bears name is derived from their markings. Around their eyes, the Spectacled Bear has white rings, contrasting with their dark brown bodies. These look like spectacles, hence the name. Though it is quite easy to see why they got their name, the Spectacled bears do not live up to it so strongly. When observed closely, Spectacled Bears, in most cases, dont have spectacles at all. In fact, most Spectacled Bears have white sideburns or faint rings. They are a beautiful species, no matter what the extent of their markings is. Spectacled Bears belong to the class Mammalia, order Carnivora, family Ursidae, and genus/species Tremarctos Ornatus. All bears belong to Mamm...

Friday, November 22, 2019

Advantages of Discovery Learning

Advantages of Discovery Learning Jump to: Advantages of Discovery Learning Discovery learning was first put into writing by Jerome Bruner in the 1970’s. In part II of his book titled â€Å"The Quest for Clarity†, Bruner discusses his views on â€Å"the Act of Discovery†. Bruner states his belief that to successfully educate, the educator must first assess what is already known. In this essay Bruner summarizes the basic principles of discovery learning, their benefits, its process, and a set of experiments that Bruner used which according to him, proved his theory. This essay will use research that supports Bruner’s theory in an attempt to prove that discovery learning is more effective than direct instruction and explain how educators should teach in result of the research. What is discovery learning? Discovery learning is an approach to learning that can be facilitated by specific teaching methods and guided learning strategies. For this essay the term discovery learning will refer to learning that takes place within in the individual, the teaching and instructional strategies designed by the teacher, and the environment created when these strategies are used. Direct or traditional instruction are strategies used in teacher led classrooms, including lectures, drill and practice, and expository learning. Bicknell, Holmes, and Hoffman (2000) describe the three main attributes of discovery learning as 1) exploring and problem solving to create, integrate, and generalize knowledge, 2) student driven, interest based activities in which student determines the sequence and frequency, and 3) activities to encourage integration of new knowledge into the learner’s existing knowledge base. The first attribute to discovery learning is a very important one. By exploring problems, and coming up with their own solutions, student’s are taking an active role in creating integrating, and generalizing knowledge. Student’s are not passively taking in information , as they would during a lecture, but are coming up with broad applications for skills by taking risks, solving problems, and examining unique, but useful experiences (Bicknell-Holmes & Hoffman, 2000). This attribute of discovery learning dramatically changes the role of students and teachers, which some traditional teachers find hard to accept. The second attribute of discovery learning is that it encourages students to learn at their own pace (Bicknell-Holmes & Hoffman, 2000). This attribute allow students learning to progress freely as the student is ready to learn new material. Students must obtain a high level of motivation and take ownership in their learning for this attribute to be met. The third major attribute of discovery learning is that it is based on the principle of using existing knowledge as a basis to build new knowledge (Bicknell-Holmes & Hoffman, 2000). Students must be encouraged and provided with knowledge they already know to extend this knowledge and build ne w ideas. A good example of this is when students discover how to multiply a three digit number by a three digit number, by using their knowledge of multiplying a two digit number by a two digit number. The student would build on what they know about multiplication to come up with a new way of multiplying three digits by three digits.

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Business Ethics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 15

Business Ethics - Essay Example is a right that is inherent to all human beings, irrespective of their nationality, sex, location, ethnic or national origin, religion, color, language or whichever other status (Fiester, 2006). What is common among all of the rights is that there is a freedom or entitlement to an individual. There are three features that define a moral right. One feature is that moral rights are natural meaning that they are not invented or created by the government. Moral rights are universal and this means they do not change from one nation to another. Finally they are equal in meaning and they are the same for all persons, irrespective of race, gender or handicap (Fiester, 2006). We know that people need human rights since they need protection. Human rights give people protection from other people or state. Individuals should have rights so as to be able to protect their freedom, interests, equal status, values, opportunities and other projects of life against the attack by those powerful than them. A utilitarian basis, in a sense that is strict is the one that argues that one should do something as it will produce more happiness to the greatest number than doing something else. Act Utilitarianism (AU) is defined as the moral theory that holds that the morally right action, the action that one has a moral duty to perform, is the one that is likely to maximize utility (Barasbi, 2011). The utilitarian argument in the sense of a looser is the one that claims that one should do something due to its good results, where bad or good results need not be restricted to what increases or decreases happiness. However, it may comprise other things that a strict utilitarian theory attaches no negative or positive fundamental value to. Kantian ethics is based on what Immanuel Kant alleged is the absolute principle of morality, the Categorical Imperative. He alleged that there were a few diverse though equal ways of positioning a Categorical Imperative. The first is the universal law

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

The Clash of Civilizations Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

The Clash of Civilizations - Term Paper Example Huntington (1998, pp.19) has called this a rediscovery of â€Å"new but often old identities.† Huntington (1998, pp.21) has argued that world has become â€Å"multi-polar and multi-civilizational† which character has been replacing the bipolar world of the cold war period. He (Huntington, 1998, pp.21) has further stated that a new grouping of states has been emerging based on world’s major â€Å"seven or eight civilizations. These civilizations have been listed as the Western civilization, Latin America, former Soviet Union, Eastern world, Muslim countries, Sub-Saharan African nations, and also the lone countries (Huntington, 1998). It is also observed that â€Å"the balance of power among civilizations are shifting†, in favor of Non-Western countries as they are amassing more wealth, political strength and military base (Huntington, 1998, pp.21-23). Drawing attention to the â€Å"gap between Western principles and Western action,† Huntington (1998, pp.184, 21), opined that â€Å"west’s universalist pretentions† has escalated this conflict. He (Huntington, 1998, pp.103) has further suggested that in order to survive the conflicts, West should accept its identity as unique rather than universal and integrate what is called a western identity. Another assumption of this book is that the world is being split into two distinct and separate cultural entities, namely, â€Å"the peoples of Western Christianity, on the one hand, †¦(and)†¦ Muslim and Orthodox people, on the other†(Huntington, 1998, pp.28). Huntington (1998, pp.102) had believed that Aisan civilization and Isl amic civilization would be the two major forces that would put great challenges before the west against its present domination of the world. This analysis of world politics has also concluded that â€Å"Muslims have traditionally divided the world into Dar al-Islam and Dar al-Harb, the

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Speech motivating people Essay Example for Free

Speech motivating people Essay You never know what you have until its gone.In this modern contemporary society, we are flooded with images of success, money and power, but have you actually delved deeper into societys faà §ade and what it means to be alive? As a psychologist, I have encountered numerous individuals with diverse dilemmas, each one unique in their own way, but many have one thing in common, they take life for granted. Human beings have a curious capacity to take things for granted. The most exquisite diamond loses its lustre with familiarity. The most compatible intimate becomes boring. Miracles like the daily sunrise fail to astonish because theyre commonplace! Repetition and time dull our sense of wonder. We endow novelty with powers and attributes that it does not really possess. When a thing becomes familiar to us, the mystery we have projected onto it is lost. We see it without the overlay of our imaginings. The irony in this idiosyncrasy of human character is that we are disappointed by the very things that used to excite us. The most profound patient that has ever crossed my path was a young girl suffering from spinocerebellar degeneration, a terrible disease where the cerebellum of the brain gradually deteriorates to the point where the victim cannot walk, speak, write, or eat. This girl was around 17 and was smoothly voyaging through year 11 when she was diagnosed with the disease. Enrolled in a top selective high school with a bright prospect ahead, the heart wrenching news brought tears to her eyes for the many sessions we had together, it pained my heart to see her journey suddenly cut short. The question she asked me why me, why do I have to die early? left me at a crossroad, paths lay before me as I tried to pick which response was the most paramount to cheer her up. Looking deeply at her beautiful face streamed with tears, my heart shattered, I asked her Why do we have life? Why do we get to have this experience at all? We werent promised any deal. We arent owed this opportunity to create experiences. No one was under any obligation to deliver us any particular deal in this realm. And yet we are here. A wide open opportunity to wake up and do something completely different every day. Every day, every moment  even, an opportunity to create something in our life. This is the same question I pose to you today. She faced a greater obstacle than us, but she stood firm and persevered, writing in her diary to remember her experiences until she could no longer hold a pen. She managed to face her cruel fate with a positive outlook, and tried her best to do whatever she could by herself. A while back, my father passed away from cancer, it wasnt like we werent expecting it, its one of those things you know is inevitable, but you dont really believe it will ever happen. Parents are a constant part of our life, a part so constant and so close that we often take them for granted. The reality is that they can disappear so incredibly fast. People we love can be here one day and gone forever the next. Our days on this earth are numbered, and its something we often forget. If there are things in your life that you want to change, or things that you want to do, dont wait. Are you living the way you want to be remembered? I had put off simply picking up the phone and calling my dad to tell him how much I loved him, and now Ill never have a chance to again. If I could travel back in time, I would in a heartbeat to bridge the gap between our relationships. People desire so many things and waste their days in vain. Some yearn for gold, others for power, yet others for glory and a higher position. But when deaths moment nears and they look back at their lives theyve lived, they realise theyve been happy only during those moments when theyve loved. Our lives are but a fleeting moment in time. They come and go so quickly. Live each day of your life to the fullest, as it its all going to end tomorrow. You have to live for what you have, live for now, grasp every second that you can. Appreciate and love everything there is. Cherish every breath you take, every smile you share, and every tear that falls. These are the moments that pass without a single thought. My journey has been full of poignant experiences, but it isnt through the destination that we discover the important lessons in life, but through the  highway that we travel on, the obstacles we encounter that forces us to come face to face with reality. Thats when we learn that our most imperative messages. You never know what you have until its gone. I never fully realized just how deep the meaning of that sentence really was, until I have experienced it, and it was too late. A final quote which I would like to impart to you was by Abraham Lincoln, In the end, its not the years in your life that count. But its the life in your years.Bibliography:Jone Johnson Lewis 1995, site I used to find the quotes. Ichi Rittoru no Namida (one litre of tears), video recording sparked the idea of the speech and used the basic plot. Robert McChesney 2004, The Problem of the Media, Monthly Review Press gave me some ideas of what the media projects onto contemporary society.

Thursday, November 14, 2019

The Scarlet Letter Essay -- Literary Analysis, Nathaniel Hawthorne

Sin. The word itself is synonymous with evil, shame, and a host of other negative connotations. Everyone sins. Still, each individual copes with his or her sin uniquely. Do they burrow their ignominy inside or do they confess their wrongdoing? Which one is more preferable over the other? Author Nathaniel Hawthorne takes a stab at answering some of these profound life questions in The Scarlet Letter. Through the events that occur in the lives of the characters Roger Chillingworth, Arthur Dimmesdale and Hester Prynn, Hawthorne conveys his opinion that confessing and repenting sin is better than hiding sin. Roger Chillingworth’s character serves to represent the detrimental side effects that are conceived in a life as a result of continuing in sin without confessing. Chillingworth realizes what he has become due to his sinful vengeance when he says, â€Å"No life had been more peaceful and innocent than mine; few lives so rich with benefits conferred. Dost thou remember me? Was I not, though you might deem me cold, nevertheless a man thoughtful for others, craving little for himself, -kind, true, just, and of constant, if not warm affections? And what am I now? I have already told thee what I am! A fiend!† (Hawthorne 118). Roger is enslaved by his desire for revenge towards Dimmesdale, and in doing so, transforms himself from a wise, peaceful man, into a revenge-driven monster. In fact Hawthorne writes that, â€Å"This unhappy man had made the very principle of his life to consist in the pursuit and systematic exercise of revenge†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (177). During Arthu r’s death scene Roger has, â€Å"†¦a blank, dull, countenance, out of which life seemed to have departed† (Hawthorne 175). He also explains that, â€Å"†¦old Roger Chillingworth’s deceas... ...nt as each of the men feel in their own hearts. While Dimmesdale’s extreme depression most likely causes his fatal disease, Chillingworth’s vengeful attitude towards Arthur mutates him into a gargoyle whose sole purpose is to frighten away any joy that may exist in Dimmesdale’s life. On the other hand, Hester emerges victorious in the denouement of the tale, counseling countless other hurting women and successfully raising a daughter, Pearl. There is no doubt that Hawthorne utilizes the incidences in the lives of Arthur, Hester and Roger to illustrate that keeping your sin from the rest of the world is not the way to go, and that, to receive the most from life, like Hester, you must confess your sin. In the words of Nathaniel Hawthorne-â€Å"Be true! Be true! Be true! Show freely to the world, if not your worst, yet some trait whereby the worst may be inferred!† (177).

Monday, November 11, 2019

Health and Social Care induction Booklet

Check these details with the people you care for and stick to them. Rights We all have rights and just because we can no longer kick after our selves this goes not mean all our rights disappear, the right to go to bed when we want. The right to decide what to wear and which room we want to sit in. Choice If you were unable to choose anything for yourself ask yourself would you be happy if these choices were taken away from you! The answer I'm sure is no! Then why would the people you are caring for be any different. Rivalry If everyone just walked into your house without asking would you be happy, NO. Knock on the door before entering a room; make sure the door is closed when carrying out personal hygiene. Protect the private information Of the people you care for as if it was yours. Independence Allow the people you care for to do things for themselves, you are there to support them to be independent Dignity To treat someone with dignity is to treat them as being of importance, in a way that is considerate of their diversity, as valued individuals.When dignity is present people feel in control, valued, confident, comfortable and able to make decisions for themselves. Respect Respect involves valuing the people you care for, acknowledging their value. This will express itself in certain behaviors for example extending common oratories, expressing concern for others and their well-being taking their feelings and experiences seriously. The Guidance and standards that is relevant to your role – Human Rights Act There are 16 basic rights in the Human Rights Act. Each one is called an Article.They are all taken from the European Convention on Human Rights. They affect everybody. They are also about your rights in everyday life. What you can say and do. Your beliefs. The right to life Freedom from being tortured or killed The right to marry and a family life The right to liberty and security Freedom of expression Protection from discrimination in respect of th ese rights and freedoms UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Protects the rights of all children to an education, to be healthy, to a childhood, to be treated fairly and to be heard.These included the ‘Right to life The right to family life It forbids capital punishment General Social Care Council Code of Practice Provides a clear guide, for those who work, in health and social care. Setting out the standards of practice, responsibilities and conduct for employees and their employers to follow. Employee should- Protect the rights of the service userRespect the rights of the service user Promote the independence of the service user Establish and maintain Be accountable and take responsibility for your actions Employers should- Ensure that the people they employ are suitable and understand their role and responsibility Provide appropriate training and development for their employees to strengthen their skills Have policies and procedures in place to cover any dangerous or di scriminatory behavior Nursing and Midwifery Council code of Practice You must make the care of the person you care for your primary concern.You have a duty of care always to them. You are personally accountable for your actions or inactions in your work life always. Valuing and Respecting Service Users Values guide the way we live our lives and the decisions we make. A value is defined as something that we hold dear, those characters or behaviors which we consider to be of importance. Everyone has the right to be valued and respected for their own individuality. We should take the service user's feelings, needs, thoughts, ideas, wishes and preferences into consideration. It means taking all of these seriously and giving them worth and value.Giving money respect seems similar to valuing them and their thoughts, feelings, etc. It also includes acknowledging them, listening to them, being truthful with them, and accepting their individuality and differences. Treat others how you would want yourself or a relative to be treated. Valuing Adults Listen to the service user, ask them what they want and how they want to do it, then help them to achieve it. Do not automatically do things for the service user; allow them to do things for themselves and aide when required Be flexible allow service user to decide when they want to do things such as eating, going to bed, getting up.Valuing children Acknowledge them When you communicate with a child come down to their level Treat them as equals Encourage them to do things for themselves Be patient The importance of a person-centered approach is to ensure the service user is thought of first before anyone else. Also it makes sure that the knowledge that a service user has about what they want and need, then provides information about what is the best thing to do. As a career you should focus on the wants, wishes and needs of the service user.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Political Family Essay

Chapter 1 covers five parts: (1) Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, (2) Statement of the Problem, (3) Significance of the Study, (4) Definition of Terms, and (5) Delimitation of the Study Part 1, Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, presents the rationale for the choice of the problem. Part 2, Statement of the Problem, describes the major and specific questions that this study will seek to answer. Part 3, Significance of the Study, cites the benefits that could be derived from the findings of the study. Part 4, Definition of Terms, presents the conceptual and operational definitions of the key terms that will be used in the study. Part 5, Delimitation of the Study, specifies the scope of the study with regards to the variables, the participants, and the instruments that will be used to gather data. Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study â€Å"The family is the strongest unit of society, demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † Jean Grossholtz (1964, 86-87) In the Third World, the elite family has long been a leading actor in the unfolding of the national pageant. More, specifically in the Philippines, elite families can be seen as both object and subject of history, shaping and being shaped by the processes of change. These families have provided a strong element of continuity to the country’s economic and political history over the century past (McCoy 1994, 1). In 1950s Robert Fox (1959, 6) described the Philippines as â€Å"an anarchy of families,† in which the Philippine political parties usually have acted as coalitions of powerful families. The rise of powerful political families was attributed to the Republic’s emergence as a weak, postcolonial state (McCoy 1994, 10-11). According to McCoy (1994, 13), after Spain and United States colonial rule, the Republic thus developed as a state with both substantial economic resources and weak bureaucratic capacity. It is this paradoxical pairing of wealth and weakness that opened the state to predatory rent seeking by politicians. Based on Migdal’s research (1988, 9) on Third World politics, he finds that the source of the state’s weakness—the social organizations such as â€Å"families, clans†¦tribes, patron-client dyads† continue to act as competing sources of authority. Despite the apparent influence and significant factor of the family upon wider society and its politics, most historians, both Filipino and foreign, have ignored this problem. According to Schneider (1969, 109-110), instead of studying and analyzing the Philippine political history through the paradigm of elite families, they have generally treated Philippine past and politics solely through as an interaction of state, private institutions, and popular movements. Even social scientists, despite an obligatory bow in the direction of the family, have generally failed to incorporate substantive analysis of its dynamics into rendering of the country’s social and political processes. Social science as often happens in the study of the Philippines thus diverges from social reality, according to Alfred W. McCoy (1994, 1). At present, there is still a lacking scholarly analysis of either individual Filipino families or family-based oligarchies. While other Southeast Asian societies have produced some useful biographies and autobiographies, the Southeast Asian regions still have little nondynastic family history that can serve as a model for future Philippine research (McCoy 1994, 2). One of the provinces in the Philippines that have no study about family-based politics is Aklan. The Province of Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island. It was the oldest province in the Philippines organized in 1213 by settlers from Borneo as the â€Å"Minuro it Akean. † In 1565 Miguel Lopez de Legaspi landed in Aklan, and divided the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† five encomiendas which he distributed among his farming followers. Along with political change, the Spaniards introduced Christianity. In 1716, the area of the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† was designated as a province but it was called Capiz. After the Americans took the country from Spain in 1901, Don Natalio B. Acevedo, Aklan delegation head, presented the first memorial for the separation of Aklan from Capiz to the Junta Magna headed by Commissioner Dean C. Worcester. For the same purpose, the Aklanons in Congress filed numerous bills, including Urquiola-Alba bill in 1920, the Laserna-Suner bills in 1925 and 1930, and the Tumbokon bill in 1934. Aklan finally became an independent province when President Magsaysay signed into law the Republic Act 1414 on April 25, 1956. This was made through the efforts of Congressman Godofredo P. Ramos, and then the province was inaugurated on November 8, 1956. (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory. com/aklan/, ret. 9/16/2012) Political families thrive in all but one province in the Philippines. From Batanes to Tawi-tawi, with the exception of Kalinga, members of political families hold public posts, both elective and appointive. GMA News Research has identified at least 219 political families that dominate the country’s political landscape. (2011, http;//www. gmanetwork. com, ret 9/30/2012) Like these provinces, Aklan’s history is also filled with family-based politics. In order to better understand the present political situations, studying the political history of Aklan in the lens of the familial perspective can led to discover new dimensions in our national history. The history of a political family in a particular province can be a microcosm of the kind of politics that happens in the Philippines. Thus, this study offers this perspective and understanding. Statement of the Problem This study is conducted to find out the political history of Aklan, through the case study in historical method of a selected political family in the province. Unlike Latin America, much more of the Philippine social research treated the country’s political history through its formal institutional structures rather than on the importance of the family and family history. However, it can be seen that in the works of several theorists and researchers like Wolf, Grossholtz, Kuznesof, Freyre, and Schneider, political families in the Philippines and around the world are found to have a more dominant force in shaping the society’s history including political, social, and economic institutions. Specifically, this study will seek to answer the following questions: 1. How the political family in Aklan emerged? 2. How do they maintain their influence in the province? 3. What are the family’s political practices to retain power? Significance of the Study. This qualitative research may be significant primarily to historians in analyzing the centrality of family-based politics to many periods and problems in the Philippine history. For social scientists, this study will help them delve the roles of family as a primary unit of political organization; and will serve as a model for future Philippine research. For political science students, the findings of this study will help them understand the influence of political families on the course of Philippine politics. This study will also help politicians to formulate political strategies and practices based on the history of a political family. Lastly, this study can be added as a significant literature on the political history of Aklan; as well as, it can provide meaningful information for other related literatures. Definition of terms For the purpose of achieving clarity of meaning and interpretation, the following terms were defined. The Case study approach as an empirical inquiry investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context. (Yin 1984, 24) The Historical method comprises the techniques and guidelines by which historians use primary sources and other evidence to research and then to write histories in the form of accounts of the past. (2012, http://en.wikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) A political family is a family in which several members are involved in politics, particularly electoral politics. Members may be related by blood or marriage; often several generations or multiple siblings may be involved. (2012, http://en. wikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) The Province of Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island, and has a total land area of 1, 817. 9 km? which is composed of 17 municipalities. It has a total population of 495, 122 (NSO 2007 census), and Kalibo is the capital town. (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory.com/aklan/, ret. 9/30/2012) Delimitation of the Study This study will be conducted during the first semester of the school year 2012-2013 until the second semester of the school year 2013-2014. This will be conducted among a purposively selected political family in the Province of Aklan. The case study in historical method will be used in this study to investigate the political history of the Province of Aklan. The researchers in order to collect detailed data needed in this study will employ participant observations, key informant interviews, directly interview the participants, and examine relevant records, documents, and reports. Chapter 2 Review of Related Literature Chapter 2 includes previous studies on political families which are divided into the International Context, the Philippine Context, and the Visayan Context. The International Context includes the previous studies on family-based politics and the history of elite political families around the world. The Philippine Context includes studies about the Filipino family and Philippines as a weak, postcolonial state that led to the emergence of political families. The Visayan Context includes case studies of two political families in the Visayas — the Lopez family and the Osmena family. Political Families The International Context In almost any country in the world, there are always leading political elite families that exist. A significant number of these families can be traced in United States, Brazil, and Mexico. In the United States, the well-known Adams Family of Massachusetts has been the subject of much autobiographical and biographical research. Meanwhile, the Pessoa family is popular as leading actors in Brazilian politics, and the Sanchez-Navarros’ family of Mexico is known for both wealth and power. For several decades, Latin American historians have used detailed microstudies of elite families to discover new dimensions in their national histories. As Gilberto Freyre (1964, 155 and 161), a pioneer in this field, once argued, anyone studying a people’s past will find that historical constants are more significant than ostensibly heroic episodes and will discover that what happens within the family is far more important than often-cited events in presidential mansions, in parliaments and large factories. Applying this perspective to Brazil, Freyre found that Brazil’s most distinctive elite families emerged in the sugar districts of the northeast during the sixteenth century- fusing land, sugar, and slaves to become patriarchs of â€Å"untrammelled power† or unlimited power and â€Å"total fiat† or absolute decree. Arguing that the patriarchal family still exerts a subtle influence on the â€Å"the ethos of contemporary Brazilians,† Freyre cites the case of President Epitacio Pessoa who in the early decades of this century was known as â€Å"Tio Pita† (Uncle Pita) in recognition of his penchant for appointing male relations to key government posts. Another historian, Linda Lewin (1979, 263) has produced some of the most refined historiographic reflections on the connection between familial and national history in her writing on the Pessoa family of Paraiba State in Brazil. By the late 1970s the field of family history was so well developed in Latin America that another Brazilian historian Linda Lewin (1979, 263) stated that the â€Å"family-based† approach to the political history as a â€Å"commonplace in Brazilian history. † Many historians had already employed the family historiography as an approach in discovering different dimensions of Brazilian political history thus making it popular around Latin America. Similarly, an essay by Felstiner (1976, 58) on the role of kinship politics in Chile’s independence movement began with the words â€Å"the importance of the family in Latin America goes unquestioned. † Many historical documents show that the leading elite families in Chile, such as the O’Higgins family, started the movements for independence against the Spanish colonizers. A decade later, Latin American historians were still unanimous in their belief that the elite family played a uniquely important political role in their region. Introducing eight essays, Elizabeth Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer (1985, 215) observed that the family in Latin America is found to have been a more central and active force in shaping political, social, and economic institutions of the area than was true in Europe or United States. Indeed, they found that institutions in Latin America society make much more social sense, particularly in the nineteenth century, if viewed through the lens of family relationships. As democracy flourished in the young Latin America, elite families engaged in the political arena and started to stabilize political institutions, such as the electoral system and civil society. Charles H. Harris, a historian, (1975, 314) stated that the Sanchez-Navarros’ family is one of the oldest and most influential families of Spanish descent in Mexico since 1577. The Sanchez Navarro family’s â€Å"latifundio† or an estate composed of two or more haciendas is composed of seventeen haciendas and covers more than 16. 5 million acres—the size of West Virginia. It is said to be the largest â€Å"latifundio† ever to have existed, not only in Mexico but also in all of Latin America. In Harris’ discussion of the acquisition of land, the technology of ranching, labor problems, and production on the Sanchez Navarro estate, and of the family’s involvement in commerce and politics, he finds that the development of the â€Å"latifundio† was only one aspect in the Sanchez Navarros’ rise to power. He also emphasizes the great importance of the Sanchez Navarros’ widespread network of family connections in their commercial and political activities. Reflecting their rich historical traditions, America have also produced impressive family histories. Political families are not a new concept in the United States. The Adams family of Massachusetts, for example, has been the subject of autobiographical and biographical research. (Musto 1981, 40-58) The Adams political family is one of the most prominent political families in United States history, originating in Massachusetts and having a profound impact on the development of the nation’s path from the 18th century and onwards. The family has produced numerous important New England politicians as well as two Presidents – John Adams (1797-1801) and George Adams (1851-1861) but also several ambassadors and literary figures. The children and grandchildren of the Adams family were raised with the idea that public service was expected of you. (2011, http://seattletimes. com/html/nationworld/2004164299_dynasty05. html, ret. 10/10/2012) Similarly, like other developed and developing countries around the globe, the history of Philippines is also shaped by elite families that play leading roles in the control and influence on institutions of the government. The Philippine Context The political families are the actors that have played in the political landscape of the Philippines and have shaped the outcome of the past and are engaged in shaping the future of the Philippines. The Philippine history should not only be viewed as the interaction of different institution of society such as the state, civil societies, the Roman Catholic Church, and the different popular movements. Instead, we should also dissect its political history through the paradigm of elite families. The importance of family-society relationship in the Philippines based on Jean Grossholtz’s description (1964, 86-870, â€Å"the strongest unit of society demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † He then remarked that the communal values of family are often in conflict with the impersonal values of the institutions of the larger society. Many Filipino historians have been critical, and they generally disregarded the leading families and provincial elites in the Philippines on ideological grounds. Nationalistic historians have dismissed the country’s elites for being traitors and conformists to the colonizers. Teodoro Agoncillo (1960, 644-645), one the most famous historian in Philippine history, remarked that the ilustrados have betrayed the revolution. Renato Constantino (1975, 232), a contemporary of Agoncillo, called the same elites as collaborators. According to the founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, the country’s elites were a small alien element – either rural feudal landholders or urban, comprador bourgeoisie as cited by Guerrero (1979, 234-249). According to McCoy (1994, 4), most Filipino biographies, the potential building blocks for elite-family studies, are more hagiography (idolizing biography) than history. Many of these biographies are funded by the family or the person that is the subject of these biographies. Biographers write as if death has cleansed what misdeeds their subject has done in society. Such accounts, McCoy added, are exoneration from the charges of their enemies, silence about their cunning or corruptions, and a celebration of their contribution to the nation. McCoy commented that the weak state and powerful political oligarchies have combined to make a familial perspective on national history relevant. The Philippines has a long history of strong families assuring social survival when the nation-state is weak. In the 20th century, the state has collapsed, partially or wholly, at least four times in the midst of war and revolution. After independence in 1946, moreover, the Philippine central government lost control over the countryside to regional politicians, some so powerful that they become known as warlords. In Philippine politics a family name is a valuable asset. A good name translates strongly to an advantage in polling. Believing that an established name carries cachet and qualification, parties often favor a promising scion of an old line when selecting candidates. Many Filipino politicians use their kinship networks (McCoy 1993, 10), to assure their ascension to power. A kinship network is a working coalition drawn from a larger group related by blood, marriage, and ritual. As elite families bring such a flexible kinship ties into the political arena, elections often assume a kaleidoscopic complexity of coalition and conflict, making Filipino politics appear volatile. It has a unique capacity to create informal political team that assigns specialized roles to its members, thereby maximizing coordination and influence. The Visayan Context Most of the well-known political families in the Philippines have political roots in their home provinces. Whether in the provinces of Luzon, Visayas, or Mindanao, there would always be certain political families that would dominate the political arena. The Lopez Family In Alfred McCoy’s essay (1994, 429-517) â€Å"Rent-Seeking Families and the Philippine State: A History of the Lopez Family† illustrates the close connection between state power and the private wealth by elite families in the Philippines. He says that in the Philippine setting, the study of a single rent-seeking family may be the most appropriate way of bridging the gap between western economic theory and the Filipino familial paradigm. Among the leading Filipino families, the Lopezes are, by virtue of their history, well suited for such a case study. Seeking knowledge of the family’s origins and early character, McCoy’s essay begins in the 1870s when the Lopezes enter the historical record as pioneer sugar planters on the plantation frontier of Negros Island. But early on 1850s, they already first appeared to be local merchants. Basilio Lopez served as one of Jaro’s cabeza-de barangay and later as a gobernadorcillo. The growth of their political and commercial influence paralleled the emergence of national political elite (McCoy 1994, 440-441). While the second generation consolidated property and position within a regional planter elite, their children made a successful transition to sugar milling and commerce during the 1920’s. In the five generations of the Lopezes it has a history of both skillful male and female entrepreneurs and politicians (McCoy 1994, 441-444). However, among the family’s twenty-six hundred descendants, it was Eugenio and Fernando Lopez, who initially raised the family’s position to first rank of national prominence. Backed by Eugenio’s growing wealth, Fernando Lopez was appointed as a mayor of Iloilo City for two years in September 1945. He quickly secured overall leadership of the province, relegating Jose Zulueta, his ally, to the position of perennial challenger. His career as provincial politician involved the using violence to advance their interests. In 1946 the Lopezes shifted their capital and residence to Manila. They traded in influence and avoided violence. No longer rooted in the land or dependent upon the social power of the provinces, the Lopezes came to depend upon the state, through the medium of presidency, for the financial and regulatory concessions that would assure the prosperity of their corporations. With the Lopez brothers’ relations with a succession of Philippine presidents, they prospered under the administration of their allies from their patron Quezon, Sergio Osme? a, Elpidio Quirino, and Manuel Roxas. In 1947, he was elected to the Senate. In 1965, the presidential candidate was Ferdinand Marcos. Fernando Lopez, despite his presidential aspirations, became Marcos’ vice-presidential running mate, creating a ticket that married private wealth to populist appeal. The Lopez alliance with Marcos was a strategic blunder born of tactical necessity. To insure the defeat of incumbent President Macapagal, the Lopezes had felt compelled to ally themselves with Marcos. Eugenio Lopez used his money, media, and machine to make Marcos president in 1965 elections. Not long after, Eugenio Lopez launched a major expansion and diversification program at Meralco. Again, with the Lopez support Marcos was reelected in 1969. In January 1971, however, a break occurred, which erupted into what may be the most public and vitriolic split in the Philippine political history. According to Marcos, the Lopezes were demanding concessions to advance their interests. According to the Lopezes, Marcos was demanding shares in their family corporations. Using the Manila Chronicle, the Lopezes began an attack, publishing exposes of graft within the administration. When a delegation of Tondo workers called upon the president at the battle’s peak, Marcos vowed: â€Å"we will crush the Lopez oligarchy to pieces. † After suffering five months of media criticism, Marcos finally sued for peace by paying a call on Eugenio at his Paranaque residence (McCoy 1994, 508). Sixteen months later in Marcos’s declaration of martial law, the Lopez family became the main target of his â€Å"revolution from above. † He used the same licensing powers that had built the Lopez wealth to destroy the family’s fortune and transfer their assets to a new economic elite composed of his own kin. Paul Hutchcroft (1991, 414-450), a political scientist said that, â€Å"using the state and its army, Marcos became the first president since Quezon to reduce the autonomy of provincial elites. He employed economic regulations, backed by threat of force, to pursue the main aim of his rule-changing the composition of the country’s economic elite. In Negros Occidental, for example, Marcos created a new stratum of supralocal leaders whom he financed with rents. On July 1975, Eugenio Lopez died of cancer in San Francisco while Geny Lopez remained in prison on capital charges. In the end, Marcos did not destroy the Lopez family’s accumulated legitimacy, contacts, and skills (McCoy 1994, 518). Marcos’s fall from power in 1986 heralded the restoration of the Lopez fortunes. In the restoration of the family’s fortunes under President Aquino, it is argued that Eugenio Lopez succeeded in handing down enough of his capital and skills to perpetuate his family’s position within the national economic elite. In his essay, McCoy (1994, 431) explains the role of rents for it has a good deal about the weakness of the Philippines and the corresponding strength of Filipino political families. As defined by James Buchanan (1980, 7-8) rents appear when the state uses regulation to restrict â€Å"freedom of entry† into the market. If these restrictions create a monopoly, the economic consequences are decidedly negative—slowing growth and enriching a few favoured entrepreneurs. Competition for such monopolies, a political process called â€Å"rent-seeking,† can produce intense conflict. Anne Krueger (1980, 52-57) has argued that in many Third World countries rents are â€Å"pervasive facts of life. † In India such restricted economic activity accounted for 7. 3% of their national income in 1964, while in Turkey rents from import licenses alone represented about 15 percent of the gross national product in 1968. In the Philippines, political economists have applied this theory to explain how the Palace’s rent-seeking courtiers after Marcos era used state power to plunder the country. Manuel Montes (1989, 84-148), a Filipino economist, argues that â€Å"the economic structure of the country stimulates, encourages, and provides the greatest rewards to ‘rent-seeking’ activities. † As evidence for this provocative reconceptualization of rent-seeking, Montes offers his readers a superficial catalogue of businessmen who have served regimes from Quezon to Marcos. â€Å"In the presidency of Manuel Roxas,† says Montes in a typical passage, â€Å"Soriano, Eugenio Lopez†¦ and Jose Yulo were influential businessmen. † The story of Eugenio Lopez illustrates that for over thirty years, he had used presidential patronage to secure subsidized government financing and dominate state-regulated industries, thereby amassing the largest private fortune in the Philippines (McCoy 1993, 429-430). In the Philippines, the succession of presidents has played partisan politics with the state’s economic powers, awarding loans and creating rents to reward the political brokers who assured their election. Underlying the executive’s partisan use of state power are political elites who fuse public office with private business. For the elites to justify the high risk of campaign investments, public office must promise extraordinary rewards. More than any other entrepreneur of the Republican era, Eugenio Lopez, Sr. , mastered the logic of political investment. The Lopez brothers, being the most successful rent-seekers, formed corporate conglomerates that relied in some way upon the state licenses. Since all of their major corporations were in some sense due to rent system, their commercial success involved a commingling of business and politics. Such a system leaves an ambiguous legacy (McCoy 1993, 435-437). Not only in Western Visayas had leading political families emerged as national actors but also a significant number are found in Central Visayas. The Osmena Family. Another political family that has long dominated the political landscape of the Philippines for many years since the beginning of the 20th century is the Osmena family of Cebu. The Osmenas rose to prominence when Sergio Osmena, Sr. was elected governor of the Province of Cebu and then as Speaker of the Philippine National Assembly during the American colonial period. He was eclipsed only in power by the political maneuverings that Quezon made to overpowering him in the National Assembly and capturing the post as the President of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935. After World War II, Sergio Osmena, Sr. went back to the Philippines as President to establish his control as head of the government in the Philippine archipelago. Osmena’s son, Serging, later became the governor of Cebu and candidate for the Presidency in the 1969 election against Ferdinand Marcos. The present generation of Osmenas is still politically active in Cebu and in national politics. The Osmenas dominated the political world of Cebu not through the usual guns, goons, and gold that are usually used by their political rival like the Sottos, Cuencas,and Duranos. The Osmenas dominated the provincial politics of Cebu because they are highly skilled in the craft of politics. (Resil, 1993, p. 316) They are wealthy, but their wealth do not equate for their capacity to coerce people to vote for them. They use their wealth skillfully, by using it for political gains. They are not as rich as their opponents who have huge haciendas but they show their prowess as politicians during elections. Elections are an exercise deeply inscribed in the Filipino political imagination. Theoretically, an election provides the occasion for society to take cognizance to itself. This is the time when citizens are most self-conscious, a season of stock-taking, when voters reflect on their collective state and history and make choices about leaders, policies, and â€Å"futures†. The â€Å"democratic space† or surface that allows an unlimited range for diverse values and commitments is most visible in incumbents submitting themselves for popular judgement and candidates presenting ideas of government, in the public exchange of contrary views, and, finally, in the voter weighing his or her options and casting a ballot in the ritual’s inner sanctum, the polling booth. (Mojares 1993, 319) The reality of Philippine politics is not tidy. Intensive exploitation of mass media and propaganda techniques crowd public space during the electoral season. There are restrictions of thought and action; however, beneath the diversity and dynamism of election, these restrictions, according to Mojares (1993, 319), are an underdeveloped party system, elite dominance and ideological sameness of candidates, exclusion of those who fail to muster the considerable resources needed to mount a campaign, the subordination of issues to particularistic concerns, elaborate forms of terrorism and fraud, and the cultural baggage of traditional values of power and dependence. Elections, therefore, do not constitute a free field but are in fact, an arena in which the existing limits on participation are further exercised and enforced. In Philippine elections we have a case in which the elite or dominant class usually constructs political reality for citizens. This process may be seen in the centrality accorded to the election itself as field of action and a channel for effecting political change. In elections, obeisance is rendered to the â€Å"state† of the people are constituted or reconstituted as its â€Å"subjects†. In effect, the periodic holding of elections nourishes and renews the government’s system. In the process, it also tends to reify the existing system and deemphasize other areas of political work such as mass organizing, interest-group lobbying, and â€Å"armed struggle. †(Mojares 1993, 320) Elections, by their very nature, provide us with a concentrated expression of the process of ideological domination. This is one area in which Osmena phenomenon is important since the Osmena have built their dominance less on sheer economic power (though the use of such power was basic in their rise) or physical repression (though they were not innocent of its methods) than on their mastery of the instrumental aspects of electoral power building. From this they draw their distinctive character as Filipino kingpins. Skillful management of ideological practices takes precedence over reliance on superior economic leverage (as in the case of the Lopez family), a system of traditional patronage (as in the Durano Family), a mix of religion and militarism (as in Ali Dimaporo), or systematic electoral fraud as what the Marcoses did. The matter of ideology both as the world of social meanings and the politician’s stance in this world is germane to achieving an understanding of the Osmenas.

Thursday, November 7, 2019

Tsunami Disasters in Okushiri Island

Tsunami Disasters in Okushiri Island Japan has experienced many disasters that have caused massive loss of property and lives. In 1993, the Hokkaido Nansei-Oki Earthquake Tsunami hit Okushiri Island located to the west of Hokkaido. This disaster was identified as one of the major Tsunamis that have led to destruction of property and lives.Advertising We will write a custom case study sample on Tsunami Disasters in Okushiri Island specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Sources revealed that about 200 people were killed by the raging waters, and property worth about 66 billion Japanese Yen was damaged (Shuto, 2006). Fire outbreaks that resulted from destroyed power lines magnified the losses. Landslides were also rampant owing to the devastating effects of the earthquake. In Okushiri town, 29 people were killed by a landslide when a hotel built under a cliff succumbed to the strong forces of the quake (The Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters, 2009). The earthqua ke affected residents both economically and psychologically. The incident left many people traumatized for losing both their property and families. In 2004, another tsunami disaster was experienced on the Indian Ocean frontier. It was reported to be greatest in the land since 1900 (Kelman et al., 2006). In fact, it was reported to be the third largest tsunami in the world. Over 227, 000 people lost lives in 11 countries and about 1.7 million others were left homeless (Kelman et al., 2006). Many children died in the waters and fire outbreaks that resulted from faulty power lines and gas pipes. Statistics also showed that more women than men died. Apart from loss of lives, there was massive damage on coastal ecosystems, coastal forests, mangroves, coral reefs, and rock formations. Marine life was adversely affected and many sea animals died due to strong waves, industrial chemicals, and liquid and solid waste. This disaster had far-reaching economic impacts compared to the Japanâ€⠄¢s 1993 tsunami in Hokkaido. Several factors contributed to the impact of tsunami disasters. Concerning the 1993 tsunami disaster in Hokkaido Japan, the geographical location of the Onkushiri town was a major factor that multiplied the damages (Shuto, 2006). This area was hit by a tsunami whose tides reached magnitudes of 11 meters in height. As anticipated, the tide washed away buildings and caused massive destruction of coastal structures.Advertising Looking for case study on environmental studies? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Massive destruction of coastal buildings was also attributed to an earthquake that was experienced on the shores of the sea. In addition, fire outbreaks also contributed to the devastating effects of the tsunami (Shuto, 2006). Just as was the case with the 1993 tsunami in Hokkaido, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami had far-reaching economic effects on the economies of affected countries. Geog raphical location was one of the factors that contributed to the severity of the impacts. Coastal lands were massively destroyed by high forceful tides (Asian Disaster Preparedness Council, 2005). Vegetation and structures near the coastal waters were swept away. It can be argued that poor planning contributed to negative economic effects after the tsunami. Locating buildings and infrastructure near ocean shores was not a good idea (Asian Disaster Preparedness Council, 2005). In addition, the question of educating and passing information about dangers of tsunami contributed to massive loss of lives. Governments should have issued a warning to coastal residents in order to avert the disaster (Asian Disaster Preparedness Council, 2005). This would have avoided the massive deaths in one way or another. It is the responsibility of meteorological departments to ensure that in cases of threats such as tsunami, notices are issued to residents so that they can relocate before disaster strik es. The effects of tsunami in Japan could have been reduced if a well-established land use policy had been developed (Shuto, 2006). Such a policy would have prevented establishment of structures such as buildings on coastal areas that are vulnerable to tsunamis. If such areas have to be developed, strict design standards should be developed and followed to the letter (Shuto, 2006). In addition, increased awareness on tsunami risks could as well have reduced the number of deaths in the disaster. The government should also construct barriers along the coastline to protect land from rising tides. Similar mitigation or preventive procedures could have been used during the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. Establishment of strict building codes in areas that are exposed to tsunami inundation would have prevented massive destruction of buildings and other infrastructure (Kelman et al., 2006). It could as well have prevented destruction of power lines that caused fire outbreaks.Advertising We will write a custom case study sample on Tsunami Disasters in Okushiri Island specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Oil pipelines should be removed from these places as a precautionary measure in order to reduce the possibility of fire outbreaks that result from broken fuel and gas pipes when quakes and tsunamis strike (UNESCO, 2006). Stringent land management policies would have prevented establishment of residential and business premises near seashores, and this would have averted the massive loss of lives. Enhanced public awareness both before and during the tsunami would have given people time to prepare and evade the disaster (Kelman et al., 2006). Governments in tsunami-prone areas should consider establishing warning systems that will alert people when such disasters strike or when they are about to occur. References Asian Disaster Preparedness Council. (2005). Social and Economic Impact of  December 2004 Tsunami. Web. Kelman, I., S pence, R., Palmer, J., Petal, M., and Saito, K. (2008). Tourists and disasters: lessons from the 26 December 2004 tsunamis. Journal of Coastal Conservation, 12(3), 105-113. Shuto, Nabuo. (2006). Damage and Reconstruction at Okushiri Town Caused by the 1993 Hokkaido Nansei-Oki Earthquake Tsunami. Journal of Disaster Research, 2(1), 44-45. The Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters. (2009). EM-DAT: The  OFDA/CRED International disaster database. Web. UNESCO. (2006). Five Years after the Tsunami in the Indian Ocean – from Strategy to  Implementation. Advancements in global early warning systems for tsunamis and other ocean hazards. 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Monday, November 4, 2019

To which extent have the reforms of the judicial system in Russia been Essay

To which extent have the reforms of the judicial system in Russia been successful - Essay Example The sovereignty and self-government of the Russian Federation and the initiation of judicial reforms was announced. On the orders of President Boris Yeltsin, in 1991, the highest ranking body in the Russian nation, the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, accepted the idea of reform for the Russia’s judicial system. The Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation in 1993 ratified the Law on Jury Trial despite the resistance that was staged by the Prosecutor General. All major court cases that the local courts came under the jurisdiction of the jury trials. This system of jury trial was realised in 9 areas of the Soviet Russia. Since then, the practice of jury trials has become normality. In the year 2000 alone, judges in Russia had tried about 900,000 legal cases, with 1,300,000 defendants, and 450,000 appeals. This number pales in comparison with the numbers of court cases that the judges before the introduction of jury trials were forced to cope with. Though even after the reforms of the nineties many Soviet residents were forced to deal with lengthy procedures in order to get justice, it was a considerable improvement from the days when residents could not possibly hope for their cases to be tried due to the backlog of cases in the court. In 1996, further reforms were summarily stopped. This was because the Russian authorities realised that the reforms were not affecting the most critical of institutions. For example, law enforcement establishments, and institutions such as the public prosecutors and the militia were not inspired to implement change. Russian society had long accepted the reality that the only way through which people could be coerced to tell the truth in some circumstances was through the use of torture. This was an accepted practice that even had supporters among the members of the Russian public. Another reason why the reforms of the early nineties period were not far reaching is because there were not enough finances to implement the reforms in all areas. For example, Russian judges were given measly salaries that left them open to being bribed. In Russia, the highest courts have their requirements provided by the President's Administration. For this reason, there are many verdicts of the Russian Federation’s Supreme Court which are divergent (Hoffman 2011). Though often democratic in theory, the decisions of the Constitutional Court can actually end up intensifying the real situation. Following the verdict of the Constitutional Court, the legal right of defendants to come before the jury began to be viewed as a provision that was specially authorised by the president’s administration. However, this remained something that could only be practiced in the highest court. Other lower level courts continued the practice of accepting money as well as gifts from the regional governors. This is outlawed by the Russian Constitution; nevertheless the courts had no choice but to take bribes. If they refu sed to accept such gifts, they would be forced to stop all operations because of outstanding bills, and the lack of amenities such as chairs, and paper. Even the buildings in which court cases were tried were decrepit and in serious need of repairs. The regional courts situated in Saint-Petersburg and Moscow were some of those involved in the most cases of bribery. Therefore, the mayor of Moscow tended to win in all

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Public law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Public law - Essay Example His past record has shown his tendencies towards committing suicide due to the above mentioned mental state. Community Support & attitude: Mr. Imran has received no support from his community and was in constant danger within Iran (his native country) and within the UK (where he is currently residing). Recently Mr. Imran has been asked to leave his accommodation. Background of Mr. Imran: Mr. Imran had been accused of promoting gay rights in Iran, which has led to his departure from Iran to the UK. Capital punishment for the offence in Iran is the death sentence. Mr. Imran’s house was subject to a raid by the Iranian Authorities in the year 2009, which became the reason for his fleeing to the UK. Statements of Facts: Mr. Imran had to flee from Iran as he was in fear of his life. Promoting gay rights within the UK is not considered offense. Mr. Imran does not have any past criminal record. The client has been mentally disturbed due to the nature of events. He has in 2010, attemp ted to commit suicide when his partner was caught in Iraq. He is currently seeking help from Government of the UK, in the form of Asylum. Constant threat looms around Mr. Imran’s life within Iran, not only from Iranian Authorities, but also the Iranian society. As Islamic law prohibits promoting gay rights, and any individual found guilty would be given death sentence. People also consider such person as outcasts and have aggressive attitude towards such person. Issues to be Addressed – For Consideration of His Asylum Application in the UK: 1. Is the applicant any threat to the Government or to the people of the UK? 2. Could the applicant live a tolerable life, if he is made to return to Iran? 3. Had the applicant openly disclosed his sexuality, what would have transpired? 4. Presence of evidence suggesting that the applicant is sexually gay? 5. Was the applicant concealing his sexuality because of the social pressure or was he concealing it to avoid prosecution? Brief Summary of Replies for the Above Questions- Clients Perspective: Since the applicant is himself a victim and does not hold any criminal record, he does not pose any threat to the UK Government and its people. He can provide facts about his relation with his partner and can also take assistance from previous affiliations, if he had any with the gay community or social working groups. He can easily provide evidence of ill treatment from the Authorities and communities towards gays in Iran, by providing cases of people who had been already acquitted with such charges. It is almost impossible for him to return to Iran and keep his sexuality discreet and live a normal life. Summary of Relevant Statuary Provisions According to the law’s of United Kingdom, a person will only be granted asylum if he is in the UK. He is a person who is either a refugee or an individual who required International protection. The individual in any ground is a threat to security, or he has not been conv icted for any serious crime, or does not present any threats or dangers to the society of the United Kingdom. Any individual’s application in such matter, if denied and the individual due to denial has to leave to a country where that individual is threatened for his life falls within breach of Geneva Convention. In the United Kingdom, grave harm comprises of the capital punishments like execution, torturing, unlawful killing, harsh treatment, which disgraces or, degrades an individual. Any threats which can